The Riots of 1953 — Page xix
xi ing glimpse into the future marginalisation and persecution not just of Ahmadis, but all of the country's religious minorities. And yet despite being such a major milestone in the formative journey of the country, the '53 riots have largely become one of the great forgotten chapters of Pakistani history. In the present day context of the country, however, and the constant religious and political instability that has embroiled the nation over the past several dec- ades, it is perhaps more critical now to revisit the disturbances than it has ever been before. For one thing, The Munir Report has long been hailed for pointing out the potential dangers faced by Pakistan if it chose the path of mixing religion with politics. Unfortunately, in subse- quent years many of these warnings were fatally ignored. As such, commentators have come to see the report as the foundational text and blueprint for what a secular Pakistan could look like and how it can be achieved. The relevance of the report extends beyond just Pakistan. During the reign of the Shah The Munir Report was studied in Iran, and in Egypt during the nationalist government of Gamal Abdel Nasser. Any discourse on the disturbances that does exist in Pakistan, is more often than not highly charged, mired in controversy, and told from the perspective of the clerical elite who hail the riots as one of the great coming of age moments of Pakistan on its path to becoming a fully formed Islamic Republic. Within these discus- sions the Ahmadi perspective is completely sidelined and ignored particularly so, since 1984 and the promulgation of Ordinance XX by General Zia-ul-Haq, which in effect not only criminalized the religious and civic identities of Ahmadis in Pakistan, but also silenced their voices and made it almost impossible for members of the community to talk about their faith, their politics, and their history within the public sphere. In this sense, the publishing of